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Parliament’s Historic Law, An Extended Wait for Women
Feb. 23, 2026

Context

  • The Women’s Reservation Act, passed in September 2023, promises one-third reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies.
  • It seeks to correct the long-standing underrepresentation of women in Indian politics and was widely celebrated as a step toward gender equality and inclusive democracy.
  • Yet the legislation postpones its own operation. The Act links implementation to future constitutional processes, meaning women will not immediately receive guaranteed political participation.
  • The reform therefore recognises women’s rights in principle while delaying their exercise in practice, raising questions about the real pace of democratic reform.

The Constitutional Framework Behind the Delay

  • The Two Mandatory Preconditions
    • The Act makes reservation conditional upon two sequential processes:
    • A national Census conducted after 2026.
    • A delimitation exercise based on that Census.
    • Both steps are constitutionally required and cannot be bypassed.
  • The Census Timeline
    • The next Census is expected in 2027. After enumeration, the data must be verified and officially published, a process historically taking 12–18 months.
    • Only after publication can the next constitutional step begin.
  • Delimitation Process
    • After publication, the President establishes a Delimitation Commission under Article 82.
    • The Commission must redraw 543 parliamentary constituencies and thousands of Assembly constituencies while ensuring population balance, administrative boundaries, and existing SC/ST reservations, along with women’s reservation.
    • Previous commissions have taken several years. Even under optimistic conditions, delimitation is unlikely to finish before 2032–2033.

Why Implementation Before 2029 Is Impossible?

  • India’s next general election is scheduled for 2029. Because both Census and delimitation cannot be completed beforehand, reservation cannot operate in that election.
  • The earliest likely implementation is around 2034.
  • The delay results from constitutional procedures rather than administrative uncertainty.
  • Until prerequisites are completed, the promised representation remains legally inoperative.

Political Logic Behind the Design

  • Avoiding Immediate Displacement
    • Immediate implementation would convert roughly 181 constituencies into women-only seats.
    • A similar number of male incumbents would lose their positions. Political parties therefore faced direct electoral cost.
  • Expansion Instead of Replacement
    • By connecting reservation to delimitation, representation is introduced alongside an expected expansion of Parliament.
    • A larger House allows new reserved seats without removing sitting members. Political loss is avoided through expansion rather than replacement, though the cost is a long delay in women’s participation.

Historical Background: A Long Wait

  • Efforts for reservation began in 1996, followed by repeated debates, amendments, and lapses. The proposal passed the Rajya Sabha in 2010 but never became law at that time.
  • The 2023 Act appeared to conclude decades of legislative struggle, yet implementation is postponed for another election cycle, extending a wait that has lasted nearly three decades.

Linkage with Delimitation and Federal Tensions

  • Delimitation redistributes seats according to population. States with higher population growth may gain representation, while others may lose proportional strength.
  • This north-south imbalance has historically caused political conflict and led to the 1976 freeze on seat redistribution, later extended in 2001.
  • By tying women’s reservation to this unresolved federal issue, the Act places women’s rights within a broader federal dispute unrelated to gender justice.
  • Any disagreement over seat allocation can postpone representation further.

Design Gaps in the Act

  • Exclusion of Upper Houses
    • Reservation applies only to directly elected bodies. The Rajya Sabha and Legislative Councils remain outside its scope.
  • Absence of OBC Sub-Reservation
    • While Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe women receive proportional representation, OBC women do not receive a separate quota despite forming a major demographic group.
  • Rotation of Constituencies
    • Reserved constituencies will rotate after each election, but operational rules are unclear.
    • Frequent boundary changes and shifting constituencies may create uncertainty for candidates and parties.

Possible Solutions for Early Implementation

  • Several options could enable earlier implementation:
    • A constitutional amendment delinking reservation from delimitation
    • Temporary reservation within existing constituencies
    • Immediate Lok Sabha expansion with additional seats reserved for women
  • Article 15(3) already allows special provisions for women. Implementation therefore depends primarily on political will, not constitutional impossibility.

The Larger Democratic Question

  • The Act illustrates the tension between symbolic reform and substantive Legal recognition alone does not guarantee participation.
  • Representation is essential to democratic legitimacy, and prolonged postponement weakens the meaning of equality.
  • A right that cannot be exercised remains incomplete within a democratic system.

Conclusion

  • The Women’s Reservation Act acknowledges the necessity of women’s political participation but delays its realization.
  • By linking implementation to future Census and delimitation processes, the law transforms a reform into a deferred constitutional project.
  • The measure’s success will depend not on its enactment but on its execution. Democratic equality requires not only recognition but timely application.
  • Until women occupy the seats promised to them, representation remains unrealised. In democratic governance, representation delayed becomes representation denied.

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