Why in news?

The detention and subsequent bail of Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) activists Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka, along with a notice to AISA president Neha Bora, has brought the powers of Special Executive Magistrates (SEMs) under sharp scrutiny.

Arrested on October 14, 2026, for allegedly breaching security at Jantar Mantar during protests against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, their case has reopened a long-running debate: how much power should non-judicial officials wield over personal liberty?

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Who Are SEMs, and How Do They Differ from Judicial Magistrates?
• What Powers Do SEMs Actually Exercise?
• Colonial Roots of Preventive Powers
• A Recurring Pattern of Judicial Concern
• Can SEM Actions Be Challenged?

Who Are SEMs, and How Do They Differ from Judicial Magistrates?

• State governments appoint SEMs for specific areas, periods, or purposes, granting them powers of Executive Magistrates under Section 15 of the BNSS (Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita), 2023.
• In Delhi, the Delhi Police Act empowers the Centre to authorise the Police Commissioner and officers not below ACP rank to exercise district/executive magistrate powers.
• Key Distinction
  • Executive Magistrates/SEMs function under the government, performing administrative and preventive roles. Their career progression depends on executive superiors, not the judiciary.
  • Judicial Magistrates (BNSS Section 9) are appointed by High Courts, form part of the judicial system, and can conduct trials, grant bail, and impose sentences.
  • SEMs cannot conduct criminal trials or convict — their role is strictly preventive, aimed at intervening before a disturbance occurs rather than punishing after an offence.

What Powers Do SEMs Actually Exercise?

• Peace Bonds (Section 126, BNSS): An SEM can require someone likely to breach peace to show cause why they shouldn’t execute a bond to maintain peace, for up to one year.
• Inquiry Process (Section 135): The magistrate inquires into the matter and may order a person to furnish security during the inquiry, recording reasons in writing.
• Breach Consequences (Section 141(1)(b)): If a peace bond is breached, the magistrate can order arrest or detention for the bond’s remaining period.
• Urgent Preventive Orders: SEMs can act against nuisance or apprehended danger — preventing obstruction, injury, threat to life, or public disturbance/riot.
• Preventive Arrest (Section 170): This is actually a police power, not exclusive to SEMs — police can arrest to prevent a cognisable offence.

Colonial Roots of Preventive Powers

• Preventive arrest provisions trace back to England’s Justices of the Peace Act, 1361, empowering “justices of peace” to restrain “offenders, rioters and barrators” via sureties of good behaviour.
• These provisions entered Indian law in 1861, continued through the CrPC, and now form part of the BNSS (enacted 2023, in force from July 1, 2024, replacing the CrPC).

A Recurring Pattern of Judicial Concern

• 1984 — Sunil Batra’s case: Death-row prisoner’s Tihar Jail application exposed unjustified arrests under old Section 107 CrPC, with cyclostyled (copy-pasted) proformas and no proper procedure. The Delhi HC directed individuals be informed of bond reasons, with warrants accompanying detention orders.
• 2018 — Delhi HC (Justices Muralidhar & Goel): Found nothing much appears to have changed since 1984 — cyclostyled proformas still in use. The court:
  • Called for an oversight mechanism, possibly including retired district judges.
  • Suggested renaming SEMs as “Special Executive Officers” to avoid confusion with judicial magistrates (not implemented).
  • Recommended separate jail spaces for preventive detainees.
  • Found “palpable bias” — a disproportionate share of detainees from minority communities and economically weaker sections unable to furnish sureties.
• 2018 — Delhi HC order: Capped preventive judicial custody at seven days at a time, requiring weekly SEM review of continued detention need.
• 2007 — Delhi HC (endorsing MP HC ruling): SEMs must record statements before initiating proceedings under Sections 107/116/151 CrPC, and orders must be well-reasoned, not mechanical.
• 2008 — Narmada Bachao Andolan case: MP High Court held that arresting Medha Patkar and 120 other protesters without due process violated their fundamental right to peaceful protest; ordered ₹10,000 compensation each for wrongful detention.

Can SEM Actions Be Challenged?

• Yes — SEM orders are subject to judicial review and administrative oversight, and can be challenged before appropriate courts/authorities depending on the order’s nature.

Conclusion

The SEM controversy reflects a deeper constitutional tension that India has grappled with since the colonial era: the risk of blending executive and judicial functions in matters touching personal liberty.

Despite repeated judicial interventions — from the 1984 Sunil Batra case to the 2018 Delhi High Court directions — courts have found the same procedural lapses recurring decades apart, including cyclostyled orders and disproportionate impact on marginalised groups.

As the CJP case shows, SEMs continue to wield significant preventive power over protesters, even as their orders remain subject to judicial review. Until recommendations like independent oversight mechanisms and renaming SEMs are actually implemented, the gap between constitutional safeguards and ground-level practice is likely to persist.

Why in news?

Recently, the Centre amended the Census Rules, 1990, to explicitly include teachers of private educational institutions and employees of private establishments (banks, companies, societies, trusts) as eligible Census enumerators.

This has reignited a legal debate: can the government legally compel private individuals to perform Census duties — and why was this amendment needed if the old rules already allowed “any person” to be appointed?

What’s in Today’s Article?

• What the Amendment Actually Changes?
• The Legal Backdrop That Triggered This
• What the Census Act, 1948 Actually Says?
• Key Judicial Precedents
• Does the Constitution Permit Compulsory Public Service?

What the Amendment Actually Changes?

• The amended rules now expressly name teachers of government, local authority, aided, and unaided private institutions as eligible enumerators.
• It also retains the broader category: any person whom a state/UT government considers suitable.
• Crucially, this isn’t very different from before — the earlier Rule 3 already allowed enumerators to be chosen from “Teachers, Clerks or any official or any person.”
• MHA’s stated reason: to remove ambiguity and ensure smooth conduct of the Census, which needs lakhs of enumerators.

The Legal Backdrop That Triggered This

• May 2026: The Bombay High Court gave interim protection to over 500 private unaided and minority schools in Maharashtra, holding that Sections 6 and 7 of the Census Act did not confer authority to compulsorily requisition staff of private unaided schools, unlike Section 4A, which binds local authorities.
• The court rejected the government’s argument that “any person” under the old rules covered private teachers, warning this interpretation could extend unrestricted even to doctors, advocates, and chartered accountants. It held, prima facie, that subordinate legislation (rules) cannot exceed its parent statute (the Act).
• October 2026: The Punjab and Haryana High Court stayed Haryana government communications seeking private-school teacher details for Census duty.
• Later, the Centre issued the amendment — seen as a response to these judicial setbacks.

What the Census Act, 1948 Actually Says?

• Section 4(2): Gives state governments power to “appoint persons as census-officers,” adding that such persons “shall be bound to serve.” This broad wording (“persons”) is the government’s strongest legal basis.
• Section 4A: Requires local authorities (when Centre-directed) to provide necessary staff.
• Sections 6 and 7: Allow seeking assistance from private establishments, but in limited, defined circumstances — mainly counting people within their premises, not deploying employees as general door-to-door enumerators.

Key Judicial Precedents

• 2010 — LIC Jalandhar case: Punjab & Haryana HC quashed an order requiring LIC to provide 150 employees as enumerators, ruling Section 7(c) only permits assistance for counting persons within an establishment — directions were “beyond the scope” of the Act. However, it left states free to invoke Section 4(2) instead.
• 2019 — Gujarat HC (LIC case): Similarly ruled against requisitioning LIC employees under Section 7; now under challenge before the Supreme Court.
• Census 2011 precedent: Bombay HC initially gave interim protection to private school teachers (Jan 2011), but later modified this (Feb 2011) — allowing deployment of private school teachers before/after school hours, exempting Class X/XII teachers, and letting school managements decide who could be spared.

Does the Constitution Permit Compulsory Public Service?

• Yes, in principle. Article 23(1) bans forced labour (begar), but Article 23(2) explicitly permits “compulsory service for public purposes” — provided it’s non-discriminatory.
• Precedents For Compulsory Civilian Service
  • Police Act, 1861: Allows appointing residents as special police officers in public-order situations — upheld as valid under Article 23(2) in Dulal Samanta v District Magistrate, Howrah (1958).
  • National Service Act, 1972: Allowed calling up qualified doctors and engineers, but with an elaborate statutory framework — registration, hardship postponement, prescribed remuneration, employer release/reinstatement obligations.
  • Key gap: The Census Act lacks this kind of detailed statutory machinery, making its compulsory-service basis legally weaker by comparison.

Why the Census Needs Such a Massive Workforce?

• Despite digitisation, Census enumeration remains highly manpower-intensive.
• June 2025 estimate: ~34 lakh Enumerators and Supervisors needed; recent figures show ~31 lakh currently being trained.
• Enumerators are mainly drawn from school teachers and government/local-body officials — India has over 50 lakh government teachers.
• A former RGI official noted the issue is uneven availability, not a national shortage — remote/tribal areas often lack sufficient government teachers even as cities have a surplus.
• He added that substantial honoraria now encourage voluntary participation, potentially reducing the need for compulsion.

Conclusion

The Census Rules amendment illustrates a recurring tension in Indian governance — between administrative necessity (deploying lakhs of enumerators for a nationwide exercise) and statutory limits on compulsory service.

Courts have consistently signalled that while Section 4(2) may offer the government a legally sound path to requisition “any person,” the narrower Sections 6 and 7 cannot be stretched to justify blanket deployment of private employees.

With the Gujarat High Court’s LIC ruling still pending before the Supreme Court, the ultimate legal clarity on this question — and the balance between citizen obligation and individual livelihood — remains to be settled before Census 2027 rolls out.

Why in the News?

• The debate on global climate policy has renewed attention to the need for India to prioritise energy justice, equitable energy consumption and nationally driven climate action alongside global emissions targets.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Climate Justice (Concept, Limitations of Global Consensus, Unequal Energy Consumption, Electrification & Renewable Energy, Climate Finance, etc.)

Understanding Climate Justice

• Climate justice links climate action with fairness, development and the unequal distribution of responsibilities and resources.
• It recognises that countries differ in their historical energy consumption, development levels, financial capacities and ability to cope with climate-related disasters.
• The central argument is that climate policy should not focus exclusively on reducing global carbon dioxide emissions.
• It should also examine how energy use contributes to national well-being and whether countries have equitable access to the resources needed for development.
• For developing countries such as India, the challenge is to expand access to reliable energy while pursuing a transition towards cleaner sources.

The Limitations of Global Climate Consensus

• International climate policy has largely been shaped by global scientific assessments, emissions projections, multilateral negotiations and common rules.
• However, a uniform framework may not adequately reflect the different energy requirements and development priorities of individual countries.
• The critics argue that the gap between ecological limits and the growing energy needs of urbanising developing countries has not been adequately addressed. They also highlight shortcomings in the delivery of climate finance and technology transfer to the Global South.
• These concerns raise important questions about the implementation of climate commitments and the fairness of the international climate regime.

Unequal Energy Consumption and Development

• Developed countries historically achieved high levels of industrialisation and living standards through substantial energy consumption. Emerging economies must now improve living standards while managing environmental constraints.
• The argument is that developing countries may undergo a phase of increased fossil-fuel use, or carbonisation, before achieving substantial decarbonisation.
• This transition reflects the challenge of meeting growing energy demand without reproducing the resource-intensive development pathways followed by earlier industrialisers.
• The policy objective should therefore include reducing the energy intensity of economic activity and improving well-being with lower resource consumption.

Electrification and Renewable Energy

• Electrification offers an important pathway for transforming energy systems. Replacing internal combustion engines with electric vehicles and meeting additional electricity demand through renewable sources can reduce dependence on fossil fuels.
• Experts highlight China’s approach, including its expansion of solar and wind capacity and the adoption of new energy vehicles. They argue that renewable energy development requires more than declining technology costs.
• Solar and wind power are intermittent, decentralised sources of electricity. Integrating them into national energy systems requires strategic public policy, suitable infrastructure and decisions about how electricity generation and consumption should evolve.
• For India, the broader policy priorities include:

• Expanding solar, wind and hydropower capacity.
• Encouraging electrification of transport and other energy-intensive activities.
• Meeting rising energy demand while improving energy efficiency.
• Aligning renewable energy deployment with national development needs.

Reframing Global Climate Policy

• Experts propose shifting the focus of climate discussions from aggregate emissions and production patterns towards national energy use, consumption and well-being.
• They question whether global models sufficiently account for changing lifestyles, demographic trends, technological progress and the different energy requirements of emerging economies.
• A more practical approach would combine international cooperation with nationally driven policies.
• It would also assess climate action through improvements in energy access, economic development and resilience, rather than relying exclusively on global emissions indicators.
• This does not eliminate the importance of reducing emissions. Instead, it highlights the need to consider emissions reduction alongside development needs and differences in national circumstances.

Climate Finance and Disaster Resilience

• Climate justice also concerns the ability of vulnerable countries to respond to extreme weather events. Developing countries often face significant disaster risks while having limited insurance coverage and financial resources.
• Experts call for a review of the adequacy of climate finance and suggest practical cooperation through global early-warning systems and regional technical collaboration in disaster relief.
• Effective climate cooperation should therefore extend beyond negotiations and declarations to implementation, technology access, financial support and institutional capacity-building.

Significance for India

• India must balance three interconnected priorities: economic development, reliable and affordable energy, and environmental sustainability.
• A climate strategy centred on energy justice would recognise that expanding energy access is essential for improving living standards. At the same time, investments in renewable energy, electrification and efficiency can help limit the environmental costs of development.
• India’s international engagement could place greater emphasis on equitable access to clean technologies, predictable climate finance, national policy flexibility and practical cooperation on climate adaptation and disaster management.
• The central challenge is to ensure that climate action supports development while distributing responsibilities and resources more fairly.

Context:

• India’s civil justice system suffers from prolonged delays, procedural hurdles and inadequate judicial capacity.
• A striking example is a civil suit filed in the Bombay High Court in 1947 that was settled out of court only in 2026, after 79 years.
• While exceptional, legal practitioners estimate that many civil suits in the Bombay High Court take over two decades to conclude.

Judicial Overload and Shortage of Judges:

• A major reason for judicial delay is too many cases for too few judges.
• For example, Maharashtra had a population of about 112 million according to the 2011 Census, yet has only around 15 judges per million people.
• The Bombay High Court has approximately 1.9 judges per million people, compared with around 157 judges per million in New York State.
• The National Judicial Data Grid shows 648,725 cases pending before the Bombay High Court, including about 9,454 civil suits.
• With only a small number of judges handling original civil jurisdiction, clearing the existing backlog while dealing with fresh filings becomes extremely difficult.

When Civil Disputes Become Criminal Cases:

• Judicial delay can encourage litigants with money and influence to seek alternative ways of enforcing claims.
• A growing concern is the criminalisation of civil disputes, particularly monetary and contractual disagreements.
• A mere failure to honour a contractual obligation does not ordinarily constitute offences such as cheating or criminal breach of trust.
• Yet, some complainants approach the police alleging criminal conduct against debtors or business opponents.
• In certain cases, financial incentives and informal arrangements may encourage police intervention even when the dispute is essentially civil.

The Police as a ‘Parallel’ Justice System:

• Once the police become involved, the process can be much faster and more intimidating than civil litigation.
• The alleged debtor may be summoned to the police station at short notice and subjected to prolonged questioning and pressure to settle.
• The threat of arrest, reputational damage and poor prison conditions can become powerful tools for extracting settlements.
• For example, nearly 50% of such cases may end at the preliminary-inquiry stage, without even an FIR being registered.
• Thus, a litigant who may otherwise have to wait years for a civil decree can obtain a quick settlement through police pressure.

Law on the Books vs Law in Action:

• This phenomenon highlights the distinction between formal law and its actual implementation.
• The Supreme Court has repeatedly cautioned against using criminal proceedings to settle essentially civil disputes and has regarded such criminalisation as an abuse of process.
• Yet, the gap between “law on the books” and “law in action” allows coercive practices to continue.

Structural Problems in Civil Justice:

• The problem cannot be attributed solely to an inadequate number of judges.
• India’s civil justice system also rests on archaic and cumbersome procedural structures that allow defendants considerable scope to delay proceedings.
• The famous observation of the Privy Council in 1872 remains relevant: “The difficulties of a litigant in India begin when he has obtained a decree.”
• Even after winning a case, execution and enforcement of decrees can remain lengthy and difficult.

Way Forward:

• India needs a comprehensive civil justice reform strategy involving -
  • Increasing judicial capacity and filling vacancies.
  • Simplifying and modernising civil procedures to reduce unnecessary adjournments and delays.
  • Strengthening case management and court administration.
  • Ensuring faster execution of decrees.
  • Preventing the criminalisation of purely civil disputes.
  • Strengthening police accountability and ensuring that criminal law is not used as a tool of coercion.
  • Expanding mediation, arbitration and other Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms for suitable disputes.
• Therefore, judicial reform must address not only pendency but also procedural complexity, case management, enforcement of decrees and accountability across institutions.

Conclusion:

• Judicial delay does more than undermine access to justice; it can create incentives for litigants to bypass formal institutions.
• When courts become excessively slow, informal and coercive mechanisms can emerge as a parallel civil justice delivery system.
• Restoring faith in the formal justice system therefore requires not merely more judges, but structural, procedural and institutional reforms that make civil justice timely, accessible and enforceable.

Context

• The data breach involving files related to the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project in Tamil Nadu, reported on July 15, 2026, has exposed weaknesses in India's cybersecurity framework.
• Protecting critical infrastructure requires securing not only physical facilities but also the sensitive information held by contractors, subcontractors, and commercial data centres.
• As India expands its digital infrastructure and private-sector participation, a comprehensive cybersecurity framework has become essential for national security.

The Perimeter Beyond the Plant

• In July 2026, the ransomware group World Leaks began publishing portions of an alleged breach involving nearly 19,000 files totalling 14.3 GB related to Kudankulam.
• The documents, covering 2016–2025, reportedly included engineering drawings, supplier information, inspection records, meeting minutes, and insurance documents.
• Reliance Infrastructure, the contractor for Kudankulam Units 3 and 4, confirmed that the data was stored on a server operated by third-party data centre provider Yotta.
• Yotta reported ransomware activity on May 29 and stated that it had contained the incident.
• The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) clarified that the documents concerned non-nuclear infrastructure and were unrelated to nuclear safety systems.
• No publicly available evidence establishes that the reactors or critical control systems were compromised.
• The incident recalls the 2019 discovery of Dtrack malware on a computer connected to Kudankulam's Internet-facing administrative network.
• Although the critical internal network reportedly remained unaffected, both incidents demonstrate vulnerabilities beyond the plant's core systems.

A Cyber Blind Spot

• Vulnerabilities Across the Supply Chain
  • Modern nuclear plants, electricity grids, and defence establishments depend on networks of private engineering firms, equipment suppliers, software providers, cloud platforms, and subcontractors.
  • These organisations often possess sensitive documents that may not receive the same protection as systems inside the main facility.
  • Consequently, supply-chain cybersecurity has become essential. Attackers can exploit stolen information to identify contractors, conduct phishing attacks, and discover potential entry points into larger systems.
  • Even without direct access to operational controls, sensitive documents can create significant strategic security risks.
• Gaps in Cybersecurity Governance
  • The Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) coordinates incident responses, while the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) protects critical information infrastructure under Section 70A of the Information Technology Act.
  • CERT-In's 2022 directions also require the reporting of specified cybersecurity incidents.
  • However, protection across the supply chain remains uneven. Legal obligations may focus on infrastructure operators, while contractors and data centres depend heavily on contractual arrangements.
  • The Digital Personal Data Protection Act does not generally cover technical documents without personal data.
  • This creates an accountability gap: operators, contractors, and service providers may each disclaim responsibility while sensitive information remains exposed.
  • India needs clear rules defining responsibility for protecting critical infrastructure information wherever it is stored.

Expansion and Risks

• India is expanding Kudankulam towards 6,000 MW, developing smart grids, strengthening digital public infrastructure, and encouraging private participation in defence and space under Atmanirbhar Bharat.
• Government services are also increasingly moving to commercial cloud platforms.
• Although these developments promote investment and efficiency, they increase the number of organisations handling sensitive information.
• A cybersecurity model designed primarily for government-controlled systems is inadequate for an environment dependent on private contractors and commercial infrastructure.

Measures for Strengthening Cybersecurity

• Enforceable security obligations: Contractors, subcontractors, and cloud providers handling sensitive information must follow defined cybersecurity standards, contractual liability provisions, and independent audit requirements.
• Data classification: External agencies should receive only essential information, retain it for limited periods, and provide access exclusively to authorised personnel.
• Independent risk assessments: Regular audits, penetration testing, and red-team exercises should evaluate the entire vendor ecosystem rather than only the main operator's network.
• Zero-trust architecture: Every user, device, and access request must be verified, with permissions restricted according to operational requirements.
• Unified national framework: CERT-In, NCIIPC, sectoral regulators, and infrastructure operators should establish clear responsibilities and coordinated standards for critical-infrastructure supply-chain security.

Conclusion

• The Kudankulam breach demonstrates that securing a facility is not equivalent to securing its information.
• Although no public evidence establishes that nuclear control systems were compromised, exposed documents can create serious strategic risks.
• India must integrate cybersecurity into procurement, project management, and regulatory oversight.
• Data classification, zero-trust security, independent audits, and vendor accountability are essential to protecting critical infrastructure.

Context

• Despite economic progress and sustained public health efforts, anaemia remains a major public health challenge in India.
• Affecting over half of Indian women and nearly three-fourths of children, it contributes to maternal mortality, intergenerational malnutrition, impaired cognitive development and economic losses.
• The revised 7X7X7 Anaemia Mukt Bharat (AMB) strategy addresses prevention, screening, treatment, dietary diversification and behavioural change.
• However, Double Fortified Salt (DFS), containing both iron and iodine, remains underutilised despite its potential to reduce iron deficiency and advance Viksit Bharat 2047.

The Promise of Fortification

• Double Fortified Salt (DFS) as a Population-Level Intervention
  • DFS combines iron and iodine in an everyday food consumed by households across income groups and geographical regions.
  • It offers a convenient way to deliver essential nutrients without relying entirely on regular supplementation or dietary changes.
  • India's Universal Salt Iodisation programme provides an established foundation, with approximately 95% of households consuming iodised salt.
  • Building on this infrastructure, DFS already reaches an estimated 76 million people across four States through government safety-net programmes.
• Scientific Evidence and Public Health Benefits
  • Research supports DFS as an effective intervention against iron deficiency. A global review indicates that it can reduce anaemia by up to 21%.
  • Trials in Bengaluru, Darjeeling and Punjab, alongside implementation in Uttar Pradesh, have demonstrated improvements in iron status.
  • When manufactured according to validated specifications, DFS is acceptable to consumers and can help reduce iron deficiency.
  • The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) has established standards for DFS, while its inclusion is mandated under PM POSHAN and the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) programme.

Economic Viability and Manufacturing Capacity

• DFS is highly affordable, costing an estimated ₹14–₹20 per person annually. Its estimated benefit-cost ratio of 4.2:1 reflects potential gains from improved health and labour productivity.
• India possesses the manufacturing capacity, established fortification technologies and laboratory infrastructure necessary for large-scale production and quality assurance.
• DFS therefore combines affordability, scientific effectiveness and scalability, making it a promising public health investment. 

What the Barriers Are?

• Institutional Challenges and Uneven Implementation
  • DFS adoption remains uneven, primarily because of institutional and administrative barriers, rather than technological limitations.
  • Although recommended under PM POSHAN and ICDS, its integration into the Public Distribution System (PDS) varies across States.
  • The PDS reaches approximately 800 million beneficiaries, offering an extensive channel for distributing fortified salt to vulnerable households.
  • Nationwide adoption requires dedicated financing, stronger Centre-State coordination, political commitment, wider commercial availability and consumer awareness.
  • A central flagship scheme could promote uniform implementation, strengthen distribution networks and ensure equitable access across States.
• Regulatory Safeguards and Integration with Existing Policies
  • DFS must complement, rather than replace, existing interventions under Anaemia Mukt Bharat.
  • It should operate within a robust regulatory framework that ensures product quality, appropriate monitoring and nutritional safety.
  • Implementation must align with sodium reduction goals. Fortification should improve the nutritional quality of salt already consumed without encouraging increased salt intake.
  • Moreover, anaemia has multiple causes. Thalassaemia and sickle cell disease require appropriate screening and clinical management.
  • Iron supplementation is not universally suitable, particularly when iron deficiency has not been established.
  • DFS must therefore complement medical screening, dietary diversification and targeted treatment.

Potential to be a Global Model

• Building on the Success of Universal Salt Iodisation
  • India's success with Universal Salt Iodisation demonstrates how scientific evidence, government policy, distribution infrastructure and public awareness can address widespread nutritional deficiencies.
  • Nationwide DFS adoption could build on this experience by using existing distribution systems to reach vulnerable populations efficiently.
  • India's approach could provide a valuable model for low- and middle-income countries seeking affordable solutions to iron deficiency.
• Advancing Anaemia Mukt Bharat and Viksit Bharat 2047
  • The revised AMB strategy offers an opportunity to strengthen preventive nutrition.
  • DFS can support this objective by improving iron intake while complementing supplementation, screening and treatment.
  • Effective implementation will require reliable quality control, adequate funding, public awareness and regular monitoring.
  • These measures can help maximise benefits while safeguarding public health.

Conclusion

• Anaemia remains a serious health and economic challenge in India, particularly for women and children.
• DFS offers an affordable, evidence-based and scalable preventive intervention.
• The priority is to overcome implementation barriers by integrating DFS into the PDS, strengthening quality assurance and ensuring equitable access.
• With appropriate safeguards and sustained government commitment, DFS can advance Anaemia Mukt Bharat, improve productivity and support Viksit Bharat 2047, while establishing India as a global model for combating nutritional deficiencies.

About Saidongar-1 Pumped Storage Project:

• The Saidongar 1 (Karjat) Off-Stream Open Loop Pumped Storage project (PSP) is a major hydro-energy initiative located in Karjat taluka, Raigad district of
• The project is adjacent to the Bhimashankar Wildlife Sanctuary of Pune district in the Sahyadri-Western Ghats ranges.
• With a capacity of 3,000 MW, it will be India’s largest PSP.
• It is being developed by Torrent Energy Storage Solutions Private Limited, a subsidiary of Gujarat-based Torrent Power Ltd.
• Once operational, it is projected to avoid carbon dioxide emissions by 4.55 million tons per year, roughly equivalent to taking around 1 million cars off the road
• With an annual energy production of 6,241 GWh, the project is expected to contribute to grid reliability and energy security in the state and other regions.

About Oskar Klein Medal:

• It is a prestigious international award that recognises outstanding contributions to theoretical physics.
• Established in 1988, the medal honours the legacy of Swedish theoretical physicist Oskar Klein.
• The medal is awarded annually by Stockholm University and the Nobel Committee for Physics of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.
• Past recipients of the medal have included some of the world’s top physicists, Alan Guth and Stephen Hawking, and Nobel laureates Peter Higgs, Kip Thorne, and Steven Weinberg, among others.

2026 Winner:

• Professor Ashoke Sen, a renowned Indian theoretical physicist, was awarded the Oskar Klein Medal 2026.
• He is the first Indian to receive the award.
• The award recognizes his pioneering contributions to string theory, which seeks to explain the fundamental nature of the universe, black hole entropy, and string field theory, which have significantly shaped modern theoretical physics.

What is String Theory?

• String theory is a scientific framework that attempts to explain how the universe works at its most fundamental level.
• According to this theory, the smallest building blocks of matter are not point-like particles but tiny, one-dimensional objects called strings.
• These strings can vibrate in different ways, with each pattern of vibration corresponding to a different particle.
• In this way, string theory offers a possible common framework for understanding the different particles and forces found in nature.
• One of its major goals is to bring gravity into the framework of quantum physics, which describes the behaviour of matter and energy at extremely small scales.
• Scientists have long struggled to reconcile the two, particularly in extreme environments such as black holes, where gravity and quantum effects become important.

About Osbeckia assamensis:

• It is a new species of flowering plant.
• It was discovered in the grasslands within Manas National Park of Assam. The area forms part of the foothills of the Himalayas.
• It belongs to one of the largest families of flowering plants.
• It is a perennial shrub.
• It was distinguished from the closely related Osbeckia nayarii by examining differences in its stem, leaves, flowers and seeds.
• It has pink flowers, large opposite leaves, and a largely unbranched stem.
• Its flowering and fruiting season extends from September to February.
• It also has distinctive hairs along its stem and longer seeds.
• Its conservation status has been classified as ‘Data Deficient’ under the IUCN criteria.