Why in news?

Punjab’s drug crisis has triggered fresh unrest. Recently, police took custody of the body of 35-year-old Daljit Singh, who died of a suspected overdose.

His family was taking the body to a protest site in Mansa. At that site, the family of activist Parvinder Singh Jhota was already protesting. Jhota was shot dead on October 13 by a chemist he had confronted over the sale of prohibited drugs.

With Assembly elections due next year, drugs have become a central political issue in the state.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Scale of the Problem
• Historical Roots: Social Acceptance of Intoxicants
• Geographic Vulnerability
• Rise of Pharmaceutical Drugs
• Drones: A New Smuggling Tool
• Economics of the Drug Trade
• Policy Responses Over the Years

Scale of the Problem

• Punjab has struggled with drugs for nearly 15 years. The problem shows no sign of easing.
• As per NCRB 2024 data (released September 2026):
  • Punjab leads India with 6,060 drug trafficking cases.
  • It recorded 106 overdose deaths, second only to Tamil Nadu (313).

Historical Roots: Social Acceptance of Intoxicants

• Intoxicants have a long history in Punjab.
• Before Independence, opium (afeem) and poppy husk were socially accepted. People consumed them in small quantities, often on a doctor’s advice.
  • The Royal Commission on Opium (1894) found that opium use in India was generally very low, but had been common for centuries among certain groups in North India.
• Home-brewed liquor (desi daru) was the most popular and accepted form of intoxication.
• Opium use continued after Independence despite a state ban. People simply crossed into Rajasthan, which had legal opium shops (thekas).
• A 1979 study found opium use was widespread in rural Punjab, even though it had to be smuggled in.

Geographic Vulnerability

• Proximity to the Golden Crescent
  • Punjab shares a 553-km border with Pakistan. This makes it a natural transit route for drugs.
  • The Golden Crescent (Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran) is one of three major global heroin-processing centres.
    • The other two are the Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Thailand, Laos) and South America.
  • Police officials describe the problem as narco-terrorism. They say Pakistan began pushing drugs into Punjab to weaken the state after militancy declined.
• Multiple Supply Routes
  • Heroin (chitta): Smuggled across the porous Pakistan border.
  • Opium and poppy husk: From Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where cultivation is legal for medical, scientific and export purposes.
  • Charas and hashish: From Himachal Pradesh.
  • High-quality heroin: Suspected to come from Delhi via Gujarat, Rajasthan (Ganganagar, Hanumangarh) or Jammu and Kathua.

Rise of Pharmaceutical Drugs

• Tighter border enforcement pushed users towards pharmaceutical drugs. In 2021, the Centre extended the BSF’s jurisdiction from 15 km to 50 km inland.
  • In 2024, India seized 5.13 crore pharma drug units. Punjab alone accounted for 2.94 crore, more than half.
  • About 25% of NDPS FIRs filed by Punjab Police in 2022 involved pharma drugs.
  • Around 80% of these drugs come from manufacturing hubs in Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Rajasthan.
• The Jhota killing itself was linked to the illegal sale of pharma drugs.

Drones: A New Smuggling Tool

• Drone-based smuggling has grown sharply.
• BSF data shows drone droppings rose from 3 in 2021 to over 200 in 2025.
• Most are small Chinese quadcopters carrying heroin and weapons. They now land even in daylight. The Amritsar–Tarn Taran–Ferozepur–Gurdaspur belt is the core of this corridor.
• The BSF has set up an anti-drone intelligence wing. Punjab Police has bought anti-drone guns. Yet smugglers continue to escape.

Economics of the Drug Trade

• High Profits, Few Jobs: The trade survives crackdowns because it pays well. A gram of chitta sells for ₹1,000–5,000. One trip as a drug carrier can earn about ₹1 lakh. This matters in a state where jobs do not match the high aspirations of youth.
• Changing Social Values: Experts also point to changing social values, where wealth earned through illegal means is increasingly accepted.
• Nexus of Traffickers, Police and Politicians: An alleged nexus protects the trade. The 2013 arrest of DSP Jagdish Singh Bhola in a large drug racket exposed this link. He was convicted in 2019.
• Growing Role of Women
  • Arrests of women under the NDPS Act rose 85% in 2022 compared with 2015.
  • Traffickers use women because they are less likely to be frisked and can carry drugs on buses.
  • Entire families are often drawn in. Many women addicts become peddlers to fund their own addiction.

Policy Responses Over the Years

• Since the then government declared a “war on drugs” in 2014, Punjab has followed the EDP approach — Enforcement, De-addiction and Prevention.
  • Introduced dope tests for arms licences and new government recruitment.
  • Focused on catching big traffickers while running large-scale awareness campaigns.
  • Yudh Nasheyan Virudh (March 2025): Targeted traffickers’ finances and demolished houses built with drug money.
  • Phase 2 (2026): Shifted to community action, deploying over 1.5 lakh village volunteers (“Pind De Pehredar”).
• Despite these efforts, drugs remain easily available. Experts argue the EDP model has the wrong priorities. They believe prevention and rehabilitation should come before enforcement, not after it.

Conclusion

Punjab’s drug crisis is rooted in history, geography and economic distress. Enforcement alone has failed to curb it. A lasting solution needs stronger regulation of pharma drugs, better border technology, breaking the trafficker-police-politician nexus, youth employment, and greater focus on prevention and rehabilitation.

Why in news?

Tensions are escalating in Arunachal Pradesh’s Siang belt, where sections of the indigenous Adi community, youth leaders, and riverbank residents are opposing the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP).

While the state government defends the project as essential to counter China’s upstream dam and as a national security imperative, locals fear economic, social, and cultural losses tied to their ancestral land.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• What Is the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project?
• The Counter China Argument
• Current Status of the Project
• Local Scepticism

What Is the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project?

• At 11,200 MW, the SUMP would be India’s largest hydropower project.
• Historical Origins: Plans to harness the Siang and Subansiri rivers date back to 1982, when the Brahmaputra Board proposed three smaller projects — countering China was not the original concern then.
• 2013: The central government raised concerns over Chinese projects on the Yarlung Tsangpo (as the Siang is known upstream in Tibet), expressing interest in India’s position as a downstream user.
• 2017: The proposed Siang Upper Stage-I and Stage-II were merged into one project, eventually becoming the SUMP.
• December 2024: The project gained renewed prominence after China approved its 60,000 MW lower Yarlung Tsangpo hydropower project — significantly larger than India’s proposed response.

The Counter China Argument

• Supporters defend the project as a matter of national interest: What if China purposely releases water and uses it [its dam] as a water bomb? We need checks and balances in place.
• However, experts question this reasoning:
  • Water experts point out: We don’t even know the basic dimensions of the Chinese project. Only when we know the operational SOP, will we know what kind of impact it will have on India.
  • They argue India, as a downstream country, has the right to seek public details of China’s project from Beijing.
  • They stress India is pushing for the project by just assuming it will counter China’s dam — and that even if India proceeds, it cannot succeed without full cooperation of the local community.

Current Status of the Project

• SUMP is currently at the pre-feasibility survey (PFR) stage.
• Arunachal Pradesh CM Pema Khandu stated that the project would “not be rushed beyond the feasibility stage,” and that if experts find it not feasible, there will be no further progress.
• He assured extensive consultations with affected communities if the project advances further — including a social impact assessment, environmental assessment, and a detailed project report (DPR).
• The govt officials claim that if villagers reject the project even after the PFR, it will not be done.

Local Scepticism

• Local leaders expressed deep distrust: It is unlikely that the PFR will say that the project is not feasible. When has it ever happened?
• They demanded authorities give it in writing that the dam won’t be built post-PFR, declaring: Even if the PFR is done, we will not allow the construction of the dam.
• They fear that they will be refugees in their own land.
• What’s at Stake for Local Communities
  • The core concern is loss of ancestral land and livelihood.
  • Water experts emphasise that for indigenous communities, the river holds deep significance — functioning as a “mother” culturally, economically, socially, and religiously.

Conclusion

The Siang dam controversy encapsulates a recurring dilemma in India’s border infrastructure strategy: balancing legitimate national security concerns against China’s massive upstream hydropower ambitions with the rights, livelihoods, and cultural heritage of indigenous communities who call the river basin home.

While the government’s counter China rationale carries strategic weight — especially given China’s approved 60,000 MW project — experts rightly question whether India is proceeding on assumption rather than verified information about the Chinese project’s actual impact.

With trust between authorities and local communities visibly strained, the real test for the Siang project’s future lies not just in its feasibility studies, but in whether the government can deliver genuine, binding consultation that local residents believe in — rather than a process many already suspect is a formality before construction proceeds regardless.

Context:

• The announcement of Administrative Reforms 3.0 by the Cabinet Secretary has renewed the debate on India's governance and institutional efficiency.
• Despite several initiatives aimed at improving the Ease of Doing Business (EoDB), simplifying regulations and strengthening administration, India continues to face bureaucratic hurdles, weak firm dynamism and uneven economic growth.
• The limited impact of previous reforms is not merely due to faulty rules or administrative inefficiency but also to deeper structural problems in the political economy and the government's approach to governance.
• Therefore, reforms must address not only administrative rules but also the institutional environment and ideology underpinning them.

Structural Weaknesses in India's Business Environment:

• The IMF and India's Economic Survey 2025-26 highlight persistent weaknesses in the business environment.
• For example,
  • Regulatory burden: Indian firms face longer customs delays than their international peers, while senior management spends considerable time complying with regulations.
  • Low firm dynamism: Firm entry and exit rates remain below 1%, compared with 8–13% in comparable economies.
  • Zombie firms: Around 15% of firms qualify as zombie firms, indicating weak productivity and inefficient resource allocation.
  • Rent-seeking behaviour: Regulatory arbitrage, protected profit margins and firm-specific concessions often take precedence over productivity enhancement, competition and learning-by-doing.
• Core concern: Political patronage, rent-seeking and perceived preferential treatment of certain business groups undermine fair competition and weaken the effectiveness of administrative reforms.

Limitations of Earlier EoDB Reforms:

• The government has introduced several formal regulatory and procedural changes, for example,
  • Tax reforms: Consolidation and simplification of parts of the tax system.
  • Labour reforms: Consolidation of labour laws into four Labour Codes.
  • Corporate reforms: Simplification of company incorporation procedures.
  • Decriminalisation: Removal of criminal penalties for several minor regulatory offences.
  • Environmental regulations: Changes aimed at easing compliance requirements.
• However, these measures have been accompanied by new complexities, for example,
  • Unclear and frequently changing Quality Control Orders (QCOs).
  • Uncertainty and inconsistency in tax enforcement.
  • Concerns over retrospective taxation.
  • Expansion of detailed regulations affecting businesses and ordinary citizens.
• Consequently, formal simplification has not necessarily translated into easier compliance or greater institutional efficiency. This contradiction is a return to "Maximum Government, Minimum Governance."

Why Have Administrative Reforms (ARC 1 and 2) Failed to Deliver?

• Political economy of rent-seeking:
  • Merely centralising the distribution of economic rents does not eliminate rent-seeking.
  • Multiple actors across different levels of government continue to extract rents.
  • Even digitised governance mechanisms can be bypassed through informal networks and discretionary interventions.
  • Political influence can weaken competition, accountability and market discipline.
• Confusing rule changes with institutional reforms:
  • Changing formal rules does not automatically transform the institutions responsible for implementing them.
  • Institutional culture, enforcement mechanisms, accountability and administrative incentives determine actual outcomes.
  • China's experience illustrates the importance of the broader institutional environment in facilitating economic dynamism.
  • Measuring reform through the number of amended rules or simplified procedures overlooks the actual experience of citizens and businesses.
• Human resource and bureaucratic challenges:
  • Identification of bureaucrats with different orientations towards administrative functioning points towards an underlying human resource management problem.
  • Administrative reforms must address bureaucratic attitudes, institutional incentives, accountability and capacity-building rather than focusing exclusively on procedural changes.

Three Foundational Principles for Effective Governance:

• Presumptive trust in citizens:
  • Citizens should be treated as autonomous individuals capable of managing their own affairs.
  • Excessive suspicion, documentation and compliance requirements increase transaction costs and administrative discretion.
  • Governance should move towards trust-based regulation, with intervention based on evidence of non-compliance rather than blanket suspicion.
• Decentralisation of governance:
  • Decision-making should be transferred to the appropriate levels of government.
  • Excessive centralisation weakens local accountability, responsiveness and administrative efficiency.
  • The spirit of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments must be strengthened through genuine devolution of functions, funds and functionaries to Panchayati Raj Institutions and Urban Local Bodies.
  • Greater autonomy for States and local governments is essential for cooperative and participatory governance.
• Minimise unnecessary surveillance and control:
  • Excessive monitoring and regulatory control increase compliance costs and discourage entrepreneurship.
  • Expanding information collection can increase discretionary state intervention rather than improve governance.
  • The state must distinguish between legitimate regulation and unnecessary interference in citizens' and businesses' activities.

Conclusion:

• India's challenge is not the absence of administrative reforms but the gap between formal policy changes and their actual implementation.
• Although mission-mode implementation has delivered outcomes in selected sectors, such as highways and certain areas of industrial policy, these achievements do not eliminate the need for broader institutional reforms.
• Administrative Reforms 3.0 must therefore focus on reforming the institutions, incentives and governing philosophy of the state itself.
• For these reforms to produce meaningful outcomes, India needs to move beyond top-down procedural changes towards structural and institutional transformation, which is essential for achieving a dynamic economy and responsive governance.

Why in the News?

• On October 29, 2026, the Supreme Court urged the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to introduce mandatory safeguards and make banks compensate victims of digital arrest frauds where institutional negligence or failure of due diligence is established.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Digital Arrest Scams (Meaning, Working, Court’s Intervention, Compensation & Accountability, RBI’s Proposal, Scale of Frauds, Challenges, etc.)

Understanding Digital Arrest Scams

• Digital arrest is a form of cyber fraud in which criminals impersonate police officers, officials of central investigative agencies, judges or other government authorities through phone calls or video conferencing platforms.
• Fraudsters threaten victims with fabricated allegations of money laundering, financial irregularities or other criminal activities.
• They often use forged identity cards, official-looking documents and fake arrest warrants to create an atmosphere of fear and urgency.
• Victims are instructed to remain on video calls, avoid contacting family members and transfer money for purported verification, security deposits or settlement of cases.
• Digital arrest has no legal recognition in India. Law enforcement agencies do not arrest or detain individuals through video calls or demand money to prevent arrest.

Scale of Digital Arrest Frauds in India

• The scale of financial losses highlights the urgency of institutional intervention.
• 

                                      Image Caption: Financial Losses Due to Digital Arrest Frauds

• The figures also demonstrate that public awareness campaigns alone cannot adequately address a fraud model that exploits institutional weaknesses and psychological manipulation.

Supreme Court's Intervention

• The Supreme Court has taken suo motu cognisance of the growing number of digital arrest frauds across the country.
• On October 29, 2026, a three-judge Bench comprising Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi and Justice V. Mohana expressed serious concern over the scale of financial losses caused by these scams.
• The Court described digital arrest as one of the country's biggest financial frauds and questioned the delay in introducing stronger regulatory safeguards.
• The Bench also criticised the RBI for what it described as a slow response to the problem, particularly its continued consultations with banks despite the need for urgent preventive action.

Proposed Compensation and Bank Accountability

• The Supreme Court proposed directing banks to compensate victims where a failure of due diligence by the bank contributed to the fraud. It also raised the possibility of prosecution in cases involving institutional negligence or complicity.
• The Chief Justice emphasised that banks should be held accountable if suspicious transactions are allowed to proceed without adequate verification.
• The Court suggested that:
  • Banks should temporarily suspend unusual transactions until mandatory verification protocols are completed.
  • Suspicious transactions should trigger automated alerts and appropriate intervention.
  • Financial institutions should be required to compensate victims where their failure to exercise due diligence is established.
  • Accountability should extend to bank officials found involved in or negligent towards fraudulent transactions.

RBI's Proposed Regulatory Measures

• The Supreme Court examined the proposed Reserve Bank of India (Know Your Customer) Amendment Directions, 2026, intended to strengthen safeguards against cyber fraud.
• The Attorney General informed the Court that the RBI was in the advanced stages of finalising the regulatory framework. The proposed directions were expected to be notified by November 30 and operationalised by December 31, 2026.
• The proposed safeguards include:
  • Transaction monitoring: Financial institutions should identify transactions that significantly deviate from an individual's established account history.
  • Temporary suspension: Unusual transactions should be temporarily suspended until the prescribed verification process is completed.
  • Automated alerts: Suspicious transactions should generate alerts for relevant police authorities.
  • Physical verification: Authorities should undertake physical verification and establish the genuineness of suspicious transactions.
  • Institutional accountability: Banking officials and financial institutions should be subject to appropriate accountability mechanisms where negligence or complicity is established.

Role of Technology Platforms and Law Enforcement Agencies

• Digital arrest scams frequently exploit instant messaging platforms, particularly WhatsApp, to impersonate government officials and maintain prolonged contact with victims.
• During the hearing, WhatsApp informed the Court that it had independently banned approximately 9,400 suspicious accounts.
• The Attorney General also informed the Court that the responsibilities of digital intermediaries would form part of instructions being developed by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) and the Department of Telecommunications.
• The Bench further directed State governments to submit details of FIRs registered in digital arrest cases, along with the status of investigations and prosecutions.

Challenges in Combating Digital Arrest Frauds

• Despite increasing awareness and regulatory intervention, several challenges remain:
  • Psychological manipulation: Fraudsters exploit fear of arrest, social stigma and the authority associated with law enforcement institutions.
  • Institutional gaps: Delayed detection of unusual transactions can allow stolen funds to be transferred rapidly across multiple accounts.
  • Jurisdictional complexity: Cyber fraud networks may operate across multiple States and jurisdictions, complicating investigation and prosecution.
  • Digital impersonation: Forged documents, official identities and manipulated video calls make scams appear credible.
  • Delayed recovery: Once funds are transferred through multiple accounts, tracing and recovering the money becomes difficult.
• The problem requires coordinated action involving banks, the RBI, police authorities, digital platforms and central government agencies.

Context

• India’s fiscal management in 2026–27 faces challenges arising from global economic uncertainty, high energy prices and concerns over a deficient monsoon.
• Rising expenditure commitments and modest revenue growth have increased the importance of alternative revenue sources.
• In this context, disinvestment and asset monetisation have emerged as important instruments for strengthening government finances and advancing economic reforms.
• The proposed sale of the government’s stake in IDBI Bank could help exceed the annual disinvestment target while reinforcing investor confidence.

Disinvestment Performance and Fiscal Pressures

• According to DIPAM data, the Centre mobilised ₹62,124 crore through disinvestment and asset monetisation between April and September 2026, including ₹55,757 crore from disinvestment.
• This represented 78% of the annual budget target of ₹80,000 crore, even before accounting for IDBI Bank sale proceeds.
• However, fiscal pressures remain significant. Net tax revenue grew by only 3.4% and non-tax revenue by 3.2% between April and August 2026, while capital expenditure increased by over 18%.
• The fiscal deficit had already reached 42% of its budgeted level, highlighting the need to balance development spending with revenue mobilisation.
• Disinvestment can provide additional resources without increasing government borrowing. Nevertheless, asset-sale proceeds are generally non-recurring and cannot replace sustainable revenue growth.

Disinvestment as a Structural Reform

• Disinvestment should not be viewed merely as a means of meeting fiscal targets.
• It is a structural economic reform aimed at unlocking public assets, improving corporate governance, widening ownership and introducing market discipline.
• The 2021 New Public Sector Enterprise Policy envisages a bare minimum presence of public-sector enterprises in strategic sectors, encouraging private participation elsewhere.
• Similarly, the National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP) seeks to unlock capital from mature public assets.
• NMP 2.0 has established a target of ₹16.72 lakh crore for FY2026–30, following the achievement of 90% of Phase 1's target.
• The 2022 LIC IPO demonstrated how public offerings could attract first-time retail investors and policyholders, broadening participation in capital markets.
• While monetisation unlocks value without necessarily transferring ownership, privatisation involves transferring government ownership or control to private investors.

Demand-based Approach

• Until October 2026, disinvestment receipts had largely come through Offer for Sale (OFS) mechanisms, which broaden ownership without fundamentally changing enterprise management.
• The proposed IDBI Bank strategic sale, following Air India's privatisation in 2022, represents a significant step towards deeper private-sector participation.
• It could establish the foundation for Privatisation 2.0, based on investor participation, professional management and time-bound implementation.
• Two reforms could strengthen this approach.
  • First, the government should adopt a demand-based disinvestment strategy, assessing investor interest before selecting enterprises for sale.
  • Priority should be given to companies attracting credible bids at reasonable valuations. Investor feedback could help identify regulatory and procedural obstacles.
  • Second, a rolling three-year privatisation programme would provide predictability and sufficient time for investors to conduct due diligence, encouraging wider participation and better price discovery.

Calibrated Disinvestment and Institutional Reform

• Since privatising several public-sector enterprises may take years, calibrated disinvestment can serve as an interim measure.
• According to CII estimates, reducing government ownership to 51% across 95 listed PSEs could generate approximately ₹9 lakh crore, while retaining the government's position as the largest shareholder.
• Enterprises with government holdings of 75% or less could be prioritised during the first two years, followed by those with higher holdings.
• A dedicated institutional body, comprising a ministerial board, industry experts and professional management, could coordinate the process, ensure accountability and minimise administrative delays.
• However, decisions must consider strategic importance, financial viability, employment and public interest.

Fiscal Prudence and the Way Forward

• Disinvestment cannot justify fiscal complacency. Economic shocks can increase deficits and public debt, with consequences extending beyond the immediate crisis.
• Excessive dependence on asset sales could also undermine sustainable fiscal management.
• The government must maintain fiscal discipline, strengthen revenue mobilisation and manage borrowing responsibly.
• Adequate resources must remain available for healthcare, education and infrastructure without crowding out private investment.
• Transparent valuation, competitive bidding, regulatory certainty and safeguards against undervaluation are equally essential to ensure that public assets generate fair returns.

Conclusion

• Disinvestment and asset monetisation can strengthen India's public finances while improving public-sector efficiency.
• The proposed IDBI Bank sale offers an opportunity to exceed annual targets and reinforce investor confidence.
• However, lasting benefits require a transparent, demand-driven and time-bound privatisation framework, supported by professional management and institutional accountability.
• Ultimately, disinvestment must advance both fiscal consolidation and structural economic reform.
• Combining asset sales with sustainable revenue growth and responsible expenditure can encourage private investment, unlock public wealth and support India's long-term development.

Context

• India’s education system has become a relentless cycle of competitive examinations for admission to higher education, research opportunities and employment.
• Examinations such as JEE, NEET, CUET, GATE, CAT, NET and UPSC have become essential gateways to academic and professional advancement.
• Although intended to ensure fairness and uniform standards, their proliferation has created excessive competition, financial inequality, psychological distress and declining institutional credibility.
• India must reconsider whether repeated testing is necessary when school and university assessments already evaluate students’ academic performance over several years.

The Cost of Competition

• The Endless Cycle of Examinations
  • Students must clear multiple examinations throughout their educational journeys.
  • Undergraduate admissions are followed by postgraduate entrance tests, research eligibility examinations and recruitment assessments.
  • Consequently, young people spend years preparing for successive tests instead of concentrating on learning and intellectual development.
  • Limited affordable educational opportunities and repeated attempts further intensify this pressure.
• Examination Failures and Institutional Credibility
  • Separate entrance examinations were introduced because school and university assessments were considered inconsistent and vulnerable to manipulation.
  • However, centralised examinations have also experienced paper leaks, dummy candidates, mark manipulation and cancellations.
  • These failures waste public resources, delay admissions and recruitment, and undermine public confidence.
  • The continuing difficulties of the National Testing Agency (NTA), despite reviews and reform initiatives, demonstrate the need to address systemic deficiencies rather than repeatedly reorganising examination administration.
• Financial Inequality and Psychological Distress
  • Application fees, coaching expenses, study materials and travel impose substantial financial burdens.
  • Economically disadvantaged students cannot always afford specialised coaching or repeated attempts, allowing wealthier candidates to enjoy significant advantages.
  • Thus, examinations intended to identify merit may reward financial resources rather than genuine academic ability.
  • Persistent competition also produces anxiety, exhaustion and fear of failure.
  • Student protests across several States reflect growing dissatisfaction with an expensive and unreliable system. Effective reform must protect both fairness and students’ well-being.
• The Decline of Classroom Learning
  • Examination-centred education encourages students to prepare for tests rather than acquire comprehensive knowledge.
  • Classroom teaching is increasingly overshadowed by coaching-centre drilling focused on speed, question patterns and examination techniques.
  • A single test cannot adequately measure the knowledge, creativity and abilities developed over years.
  • Consequently, continuous academic assessment is undervalued while high-stakes entrance examinations dominate educational decisions. Restoring the importance of classroom learning is essential.

Ways to Use Existing Merit?

• Strengthening Existing Assessment Systems
  • India should improve school board and university examinations instead of continually expanding competitive testing.
  • Class XII marks and university CGPAs reflect sustained academic performance, consistency and diligence, offering a broader assessment than a single examination.
  • Differences between institutions can be addressed through standardisation, normalisation, common moderation frameworks, external audits and periodic score equating.
  • Strengthening existing systems would improve reliability without imposing additional examinations on every student.
• Reforming Admissions, Scholarships and Recruitment
  • Higher education admissions should primarily consider moderated school-leaving results. Scholarships and fellowships should recognise academic achievement and consistent performance. Public recruitment could combine verified academic records and structured interviews.
  • Where additional evaluation is necessary, a single national aptitude test at each educational exit level could supplement academic results.
  • This approach would preserve standards while reducing duplication, costs and unnecessary competition.

Global Practices

• Many countries rely primarily on school-leaving results for university admissions, supplemented by references, essays and relevant aptitude or language tests.
• Although admission systems differ, international practices demonstrate that repeated examinations are not the only means of maintaining standards.
• India must adapt suitable approaches to its large population, regional inequalities and intense competition.
• A balanced system should combine reliable academic records with limited, purpose-specific assessments, ensuring transparency without repeatedly testing the same competencies.

Conclusion

• India needs structural reform rather than repeated administrative adjustments. Excessive examinations increase financial inequality, psychological pressure and institutional distrust.
• The solution lies in strengthening school and university assessments, securing examination processes and holding testing agencies accountable.
• Merit should reflect knowledge, consistency and ability, not repeated success in high-pressure examinations.
• By reducing unnecessary tests and restoring confidence in existing educational institutions, India can develop a fairer, more affordable and learning-centred education system that promotes genuine merit and equal opportunity.

About Cyrtodactylus dimensis:

• It is a new species of gecko.
• It was discovered in the Umrangso area of Assam’s Dima Hasao district.
• Dima Hasao forms part of the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot, a region known for its rich variety of plants and animals.
• Cyrtodactylus dimensis belongs to the bent-toed gecko group.
• The species is closely related to Cyrtodactylus vanarakshaka, another gecko species described from Dima Hasao, but differs in its genetic and morphological characteristics.

About Dearness Allowance (DA):

• It is an allowance given to a government employee, public sector employee, and pensioner in India.
• It's a way to mitigate the impact of rising costs of living and inflation on people's earnings.
• It ensures that employees are protected against inflation, where the salary components help employees deal with the increasing prices of goods and essential items.
• Types of DA:

Industrial Dearness Allowance (IDA):

• It is applicable to employees working in the public sector.
• The revision is done on a quarterly basis, depending on the Consumer Price Index (CPI), to successfully change the salaries according to the increasing rate.

Variable Dearness Allowance (VDA):

• It is mostly applicable to employees working in the central government sector.
• The revision is done twice a year based on the changes in the CPI.
• VDA has three parts:
  • Fixed Variable DA
  • Base Index
  • Consumer Price Index (CPI)

Is DA Taxable?

• It is fully taxable under the Income Tax Act, 1961.
• Employees are required to declare it separately when filing income tax returns.

About First Class Order of Zayed II:

• It is one of the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE’s) prestigious civilian decorations.
• It is named after Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the country's founding President.
• It is generally awarded to foreign diplomats, senior officials, and distinguished international figures whose work has made a significant contribution to the country or its international relations.
• Indian Recipients:
  • Two former Indian ambassadors to the UAE, Navdeep Singh Suri and Sunjay Sudhir, were previously awarded the same decoration for their contributions to strengthening bilateral relations.

About Noyyal River:

• It is an important tributary of the Cauvery River, flowing through Western Tamil Nadu.
• Course:
  • It originates from the Vellingiri Hills, which are part of the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve in the Western Ghats.
• It is a seasonal river with rapid flows during the monsoon periods.
• The Noyyal River has two main tributaries: Cheyyar River (Chadiaar River) and Kanchimanadhi River.
• It is also home to major dams like Aathupalayam Dam and Orathuppalayam Dam.