Why in news?

The United States has announced its withdrawal from the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and over 60 international treaties and organisations it says no longer serve American interests. The exit includes key climate bodies such as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the International Solar Alliance (ISA), and the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA).

This follows the earlier decision by President Donald Trump to withdraw from the Paris Agreement, a move that will take effect on January 20 after the mandatory one-year notice period. Over the past year, the Trump administration has also cut funding and staffing for US climate research agencies.

Together, these steps mark a near-total US disengagement from the global climate governance system, casting serious doubt on the effectiveness and future of multilateral efforts to address climate change.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• The United States’ Emissions Profile
• US and Climate Action: A Longstanding Love–Hate Relationship
• Fallout of the US Exit from Global Climate Institutions
• Impact on India’s Climate and Energy Transition

The United States’ Emissions Profile

• The United States ranks among the top countries for annual and per-capita carbon emissions.
• Data from the Global Carbon Project show that US territorial CO₂ emissions in 2024 were about 4.9 billion tonnes, accounting for roughly 12.7% of global emissions.
• In 2024, US per-capita CO₂ emissions stood at around 14.6 tonnes per person, far exceeding the global average, underlining the country’s carbon-intensive consumption patterns.
• The US is also the largest cumulative emitter of CO₂ from fossil fuels and industry. Its share of historical global emissions is about 24%.
• According to the US Environmental Protection Agency, total US greenhouse gas emissions were 6.3 billion metric tonnes of CO₂-equivalent in 2022.
• Land use and forests offset roughly 13% of these emissions as a net carbon sink.

US and Climate Action: A Longstanding Love–Hate Relationship

• The United States played a key role in shaping the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), recognising climate change and setting global principles.
• However, it never joined the Kyoto Protocol, which imposed binding emission targets.
• Architect of Paris, Weak on Delivery
  • The US actively pushed for an alternative to Kyoto, culminating in the Paris Agreement.
  • Yet, its performance under Paris has been poor, with limited emissions cuts and inadequate delivery on finance and technology commitments.
• Engagement Without Denial (Pre-Trump Era)
  • Despite shortcomings, the US did not deny climate change.
  • It remained engaged in global climate talks, invested heavily in climate science and clean technologies, and promoted green investments domestically and internationally.
• Trump Era: From Ambivalence to Undermining
  • Under President Donald Trump, the US shifted sharply.
  • A declared climate sceptic, Trump openly mocked climate action, withdrew from agreements, and slashed funding for climate research—moves that risk long-term global setbacks given the US’s scientific leadership.

Fallout of the US Exit from Global Climate Institutions

• The US withdrawal from the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and related bodies was not entirely unexpected, given its earlier exit from the Paris Agreement and cuts to climate research funding.
• Since the world was already off track to meet 2030 targets—and the US itself was not contributing meaningfully—the short-term global impact may be marginal.
• The deeper fallout will hinge on whether future administrations reverse course. A prolonged US absence could weaken multilateral climate cooperation and delay collective action over the long run.
• By disengaging, the United States risks surrendering leadership to China, which is aggressively expanding renewable energy manufacturing, deployment, and supply chains.
• Renewables’ Irreversible Momentum
  • Most countries are already committed to renewables for energy security and affordability.
  • Solar and wind are now economically and strategically attractive, making a full reversal of the energy transition unlikely.
  • Efforts to boost fossil fuel output—such as expanding oil supply—may slow the transition but won’t stop it.
  • By vacating the clean energy space, the US risks undermining its own long-term economic interests and geopolitical leverage.

Impact on India’s Climate and Energy Transition

• The United States exit from global climate bodies may ease short-term pressure on India to decarbonise rapidly.
• However, it also introduces uncertainty for India’s plans to attract investments in clean technologies.
• Setback to India–US Climate Cooperation
  • Before President Donald Trump’s second term, India and the US shared a strong strategic partnership on climate and clean energy, with US support across multiple energy sectors.
  • This collaboration is now expected to stall, potentially forcing India to recalibrate its energy transition pathways.
• International Solar Alliance and Funding Gaps
  • The US has withdrawn from the International Solar Alliance (ISA), which India co-founded with France on the sidelines of COP21 Paris.
  • Although the US joined the ISA in 2021 as its 101st member, it provided no financial support.
  • A 2025 decision to levy annual membership fees is yet to be implemented, leaving questions over future funding and momentum.

Why in news?

President Donald Trump has approved a sweeping Russia sanctions Bill that proposes 500% tariffs on all goods and services imported from countries that knowingly trade in Russian-origin uranium and petroleum products. The Bill also includes fresh restrictions on Vladimir Putin and certain Russian military commanders, along with 500% tariffs on direct Russian imports into the US.

For India, the impact could be severe. New Delhi has not yet concluded a trade deal with the US, leaving it exposed to escalating tariff actions. India already faces steep duties that threaten exports from labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, footwear, and marine products.

If the Russia sanctions Bill passes, India’s continued purchases of discounted Russian energy could trigger punitive tariffs that effectively choke Indian exports to the US, compounding existing trade disruptions.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Sanctions Bill Sidesteps Courts, Strengthens Trump’s Tariff Powers
• 500% Tariff Threat Could Halt India–US Trade
• Russia Sanctions Bill Could Undercut India’s Trade Bargaining Power
• US Tariff Threat Deepens Investment Uncertainty for India

Sanctions Bill Sidesteps Courts, Strengthens Trump’s Tariff Powers

• This announcement comes as the Donald Trump administration faces legal setbacks over its use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA).
• Three lower courts — the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, the US Court of International Trade, and the US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit — have ruled against the administration’s reliance on IEEPA for imposing tariffs.
• The proposed Russia Sanctions Bill would bypass these legal vulnerabilities, giving Trump a firmer statutory basis to penalise trade linked to Russian oil and uranium, while sustaining tariff pressure as part of efforts to end the Russia–Ukraine war.
• In parallel, the US has already initiated multiple Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act investigations, enabling the imposition of 50% tariffs on steel, aluminium, and copper, further strengthening the administration’s trade arsenal.

500% Tariff Threat Could Halt India–US Trade

• A key provision of the Russia Sanctions Bill mandates that the US President raise duties to at least 500% on all goods and services imported from countries that knowingly trade in Russian-origin uranium and petroleum products.
• Trade experts warn that such a levy would effectively shut down India’s exports to the United States, currently valued at over $85 billion
• The bill’s scope remains unclear and potentially expansive, raising concerns that it could extend beyond existing reciprocal tariffs.
• Products so far excluded—such as electronics, pharmaceuticals, coffee, and tea—could also be covered.
• This is critical for India, which has continued exporting fast-growing items like mobile phones despite earlier tariff actions.

China’s Export Diversification Blunts Tariff Shock, India More Exposed

• While proposed US tariffs on countries buying Russian oil could disrupt global trade, India is likely to be hit harder than China due to weaker export diversification.
• Despite US tariffs, China recorded a $1 trillion trade surplus in 2025, driven by dominance in sunrise sectors and control over critical minerals.
• India, though pushing manufacturing reforms and investment, remains vulnerable as many exports are less technology-intensive, making them easier to replace.
• By contrast, China—the largest buyer of Russian oil—has multiple levers to counter tariff pressure, as it has done before.

Russia Sanctions Bill Could Undercut India’s Trade Bargaining Power

• If passed, the Russia sanctions Bill would weaken India’s negotiating leverage by pushing New Delhi to diversify exports away from the United States under pressure.
• This comes as India is in active trade talks with the European Union, ASEAN, and partners including Chile, Peru, Australia, Bahrain, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Eurasian Economic Union, Canada, and the Southern African Customs Union.
• A weaker bargaining position typically invites steeper demands from partners.
• India has consistently held firm red lines on agriculture and dairy, even when counterparts insist on access.
• Notably, Australia and New Zealand did not receive deep access in these sectors during negotiations—an approach that could become harder to sustain if external pressures intensify.

US Tariff Threat Deepens Investment Uncertainty for India

• Beyond goods trade, escalating US tariff risks are hurting investment sentiment in India.
• Investors are holding back amid the unresolved United States–India trade rift, and a potential 500% tariff linked to Russian oil purchases could further deter capital inflows.
• A 2025 note by Bank of America highlights stalled capital flows across FDI, FPI, and debt.
• The Reserve Bank of India has sold $65 billion in the spot market and holds a large $63.6 billion short forward position, reflecting pressure on the rupee.
• The rupee has weakened nearly 7% over the past year, underperforming peers and leading to a real effective exchange rate depreciation of over 9%.
• Persisting uncertainty around the US–India trade deal could amplify macroeconomic risks if capital pressures continue.

Context:

• Israel’s December 2025 decision to recognise Somaliland as a sovereign state marks a major diplomatic break in the Horn of Africa.
• The move risks escalating proxy rivalries, triggering political and economic pressure, and deepening militarisation in the strategically sensitive Red Sea region.
• This article highlights how Israel’s recognition of Somaliland has transformed a long-marginalised territory into a focal point of great-power rivalry, exposing China’s strategic dilemma between sovereignty principles, regional security interests, and intensifying geopolitical competition in the Horn of Africa.

China’s Strategic Dilemma over Somaliland

• Beijing’s Core Interests at Stake
  • For China, Somaliland lies at the crossroads of three vital concerns:
    • upholding the “One China” principle,
    • securing the Red Sea trade corridor, and
    • managing intensifying great-power competition in Africa.
• Official Opposition Rooted in Sovereignty
• China has condemned Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as support for separatism, reiterating that Somaliland is an inseparable part of Somalia.
• This stance reflects Beijing’s long-standing sensitivity over sovereignty and territorial integrity.
• Limits of a Rigid Doctrine
  • Unlike many contested regions, Somaliland has sustained peace, built institutions, and held competitive elections for over three decades.
  • Its stability, compared to Somalia’s chronic insecurity, exposes tensions within China’s strict sovereignty-based approach to statehood.
• The Taiwan Factor Intensifies Pressure
  • China’s dilemma is sharpened by Somaliland’s 2020 decision to establish official ties with Taiwan.
  • Taiwan’s representative office in Hargeisa and expanding cooperation have made Somaliland a rare African outlier aligned with Taipei, directly challenging Beijing’s “One China” principle.

Strategic Importance of the Horn of Africa for China

• A Vital Maritime Choke Point
  • China’s concerns go beyond ideology. The Bab el-Mandeb Strait—linking the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden—is crucial for Chinese trade and energy flows under the Maritime Silk Road.
  • Beijing has called it a “jugular vein” of global commerce.
• Security Presence near Djibouti
  • To safeguard these interests, China established its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017, ensuring a sustained security footprint near the choke point.
• Challenge from Somaliland’s Recognition
  • Israel’s recognition of Somaliland could upset the regional balance.
  • If Somaliland gains wider legitimacy, it may emerge as an alternative logistics and security hub along the Gulf of Aden, potentially backed by the United Arab Emirates and the United States—diluting China’s leverage near Djibouti.
• An Uncomfortable Strategic Trade-off
  • Beijing must oppose Somaliland’s recognition and limit diplomatic space for Taiwan, yet excessive pressure risks pushing Hargeisa closer to China’s rivals.
  • Heavy-handed coercion could also undermine China’s image as a non-interfering partner.
• Likely Chinese Response
  • China may adopt a hybrid approach: economic pressure, elite lobbying, and information campaigns—using platforms like StarTimes—to shape narratives on territorial integrity.
  • Diplomatically, Beijing can leverage its role in the United Nations Security Council to block momentum toward broader international recognition of Somaliland.

China’s Pro-Palestinian Stance Adds Diplomatic Complexity

• China’s increasingly vocal support for Palestinian rights and criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza reinforce Beijing’s moral opposition to Israel’s recognition of Somaliland.
• While this resonates with Arab and Global South audiences, it risks drawing China deeper into Middle Eastern political rivalries, complicating its traditionally pragmatic neutrality.
• A Shifting Regional Chessboard
  • The broader geopolitical context sharpens China’s dilemma.
  • Ethiopia’s 2024 memorandum to recognise Somaliland in exchange for port access, growing interest in the United States Congress, and tacit backing from the United Arab Emirates suggest Israel’s move could catalyse wider diplomatic recognition.
• Rising Costs for China’s Status Quo Strategy
  • Each additional recognition weakens China’s ability to diplomatically isolate Somaliland and raises the strategic costs of maintaining the status quo.
  • Beijing’s core concern is not only sovereignty, but also preventing greater Taiwanese visibility, deeper Israeli and Western access to the Red Sea, and the emergence of a rival security architecture near Djibouti.
• From Peripheral Issue to Great-Power Flashpoint
  • Israel’s decision has forced China into a difficult balance between principle and pragmatism.
  • Somaliland is no longer a diplomatic footnote; it now sits at the centre of great-power competition in the Horn of Africa, exposing the limits of China’s approach to sovereignty, security, and influence in a region critical to global trade and geopolitics.

Why in the News?

• The Union government has initiated nationwide consultations with States and stakeholders to chart a roadmap for Samagra Shiksha 3.0 for the 2026-27 academic cycle.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Samagra Shiksha 3.0 (Background, Evolution, Objectives, Focus Areas, Governance, etc.)
• News Summary

Samagra Shiksha 3.0

• Background and Evolution
  • Samagra Shiksha is an integrated, centrally sponsored scheme for school education covering the entire continuum from pre-primary to senior secondary level.
  • Launched in 2018 by subsuming Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan, and Teacher Education schemes, it marked a shift toward a holistic and unified approach to school education.
  • Samagra Shiksha 3.0 represents the next phase of this reform journey, aligned with five years of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 implementation and India’s long-term vision of Viksit Bharat by 2047.
• Core Objectives

• Universal enrolment up to Class XII
• Reduction in dropout rates
• Improvement in foundational and grade-level learning outcomes
• Strengthening teacher capacity and school leadership
• Ensuring equity for socio-economically disadvantaged groups

• Key Focus Areas

• Access and Infrastructure: Bridging regional and social gaps in schooling facilities
• Quality of Learning: Age-appropriate learning benchmarks, curriculum equivalence across boards, and competency-based assessments
• Teacher Capacity Building: Continuous professional development, pedagogical reforms, and leadership training
• Digital Education: Integration of technology, digital platforms, and Artificial Intelligence in classrooms
• Equity and Inclusion: Support for girls, children with disabilities, SC/ST students, and aspirational districts

• Governance and Planning Approach
  • A major shift under Samagra Shiksha 3.0 is the emphasis on consultative, bottom-up planning.
  • States and Union Territories are encouraged to prepare robust annual plans grounded in local school realities while aligning with national priorities.
  • The scheme promotes convergence among Ministries, States, and civil society to improve implementation efficiency.

News Summary

• A high-level consultation was held in New Delhi to deliberate on the future direction of Samagra Shiksha 3.0, bringing together State Education Secretaries, State Project Directors, central ministries, and education experts.
• The meeting aimed to develop a clear, implementable national roadmap for the next phase of school education reforms.
• Key Themes of Deliberation
  • Bridging learning gaps exacerbated by pandemic disruptions
  • Improving nutrition and learning outcomes simultaneously
  • Integrating vocational education and skilling pathways within schools
  • Leveraging digital tools and Artificial Intelligence for personalised learning
  • Making schools active agents of social and economic transformation
• Alignment with National Development Goals
  • The consultations highlighted that human capital development is central to achieving India’s long-term growth ambitions.
  • Strengthening school education was identified as the foundation for a skilled workforce, social mobility, and inclusive development.
• Outcome-Oriented Vision
  • Globally competitive, while remaining rooted in Indian values
  • Responsive to diverse student needs across regions
  • Outcome-driven, with measurable improvements in learning indicators
  • Society-centric, encouraging community participation in school governance

Road Ahead

• States have been urged to treat the 2026-27 planning cycle as a national movement rather than a routine administrative exercise.
• The convergence of best practices, technological innovation, and cooperative federalism is expected to strengthen India’s school education ecosystem in the coming decade.

Context:

• India’s National Education Policy (NEP) is driving transformational change in higher education by reforming regulation, expanding flexibility in degree pathways, strengthening research, and promoting multidisciplinary and holistic learning.
• With the world’s largest youth population, the quality of India’s higher education will critically shape its economic growth, social mobility, and global standing.

Key Policy Backdrop:

• NEP 2020: It emphasises on multidisciplinary education, flexibility, research, innovation, and global engagement.
• Comparative insight: China’s sustained state focus on higher education highlights the importance of consistent policy direction and institutional trust—a lesson relevant for India.

Major Shifts in Indian Higher Education:

• Institutionalisation of the research ecosystem:
  • Anusandhan National Research Foundation (ANRF): It focuses on long-term scientific research and industry–academia collaboration.
  • ₹1-lakh-crore Research, Development and Innovation (RDI) Scheme: It promotes private-sector participation and market-ready innovation.
  • Significance: Together, they creates a dual-track research model—basic research and applied innovation.
• Institutional innovation and academic reforms:
  • Curricular changes: New undergraduate programmes (e.g., IIMs). Inclusion of well-being, life skills, apprenticeships.
  • Degree flexibility: Introduction of four-year undergraduate programmes with exit options. Bachelor’s with Honours in Research for global competitiveness.
• Institutional capacity building: For example, new interdisciplinary schools at Ashoka University.
  • Global recognition: (QS World University Rankings 2026)
    • 54 Indian universities featured (up from 11 in 2015 and 46 in 2025).
    • India is the 4th most represented country and fastest-rising G20 nation.
• Changing global mobility landscape:
  • Over 1.25 million Indian students study abroad (MEA data).
  • Challenges: Visa restrictions, geopolitics.
  • Emerging trend: Foreign universities entering India. Indian institutions expanding overseas.
  • Implication: Need for high-quality domestic alternatives and globalised higher education.

Emerging Priorities for the Next Phase:

• Regulatory reform - Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, 2025:
  • It proposes a single apex regulatory structure with independent councils for regulation, standards, and accreditation.
  • It addresses fragmentation and overlapping mandates. This is crucial as private institutions cater to almost two third of students.
  • Significance: Enables holistic, multidisciplinary education. Ensures transparency, benchmarking, and public disclosure of quality.
• Integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI):
  • AI transforming learning processes, teaching methods, and institutional administration.
  • India’s diversity offers scope for context-sensitive AI leadership.
  • Ministry of Education’s 4 AI Centres of Excellence: Education, Health, Agriculture, and Sustainable Cities.
• Renewed focus on science education:
  • Challenges: Limited exposure and lack of hands-on learning.
  • Required interventions: Makerspaces, industry–startup engagement, and experiential and practice-oriented science education.
  • Goal: Build a deep-tech and innovation-ready talent pool.

Challenges and Way Ahead:

• Fragmented regulatory architecture: Ensure regulatory consolidation.
• Uneven quality across institutions: Achieve 50% Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) by 2035.
• Limited physical capacity of campuses: Treat higher education as national infrastructure.
• Gaps in science exposure and practical training: Leverage digital and internet expansion for scalable learning.
• Trust deficit between state and private institutions: Technology-enabled delivery, high academic standards, and state–institution collaboration (public and private).

Conclusion:

• India stands at a pivotal moment in its higher education journey. With NEP-led reforms, the direction is clear and momentum is building.
• Achieving a Viksit Bharat will depend on sustained implementation, mutual trust, and an unwavering commitment to educational excellence—positioning India not just as a mass educator, but as a global knowledge leader.

Context

• Recent reforms in India’s criminal justice system have been hailed as progressive and pro-women, yet the suicide of a young doctor in Phaltan, Maharashtra in October 2025 offers a stark reminder that law alone cannot safeguard dignity.
• The doctor, who died by suicide after alleging rape and harassment by a police official and another man, left behind a message written on her palm.
• The tragedy reveals not only the harm inflicted by the original alleged crime but also a deeper systemic failure: institutions and society waging a second crime against victims through character assassination, public shaming, and administrative apathy.

The Two Crimes: Harm and Betrayal

• The first crime emerges from the failure of state mechanisms, the police, administrators, and protective institutions, that disregarded the doctor’s pleas for help.
• The second crime unfolds in the public sphere, where the victim’s family, in their pursuit of justice, must endure insinuations, moral judgment, and media scrutiny.
• This pattern unfolded visibly when the Chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women publicised private details about the victim’s personal communication and relationships.
• While framed as contextual information, such disclosures fuel society’s deeply rooted culture of victim-blaming.
• This episode exposes a disturbing contradiction: even institutions designed to protect women often reproduce patriarchal narratives that define a woman’s dignity in terms of sexual purity, moral behaviour, and conformity.

The Legal Mandate: Protecting Dignity as Justice

• Ban on character evidence
  • Section 53A of the Indian Evidence Act (now Section 50 of the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023) prohibits using a woman’s personal history, friendships, or sexual life to argue consent or suggest she deserved the crime.
• Restrictions on cross-examination
  • Amendments to Section 146 (now Section 48 of the BSA) prevent questioning a victim on her general immoral character or previous sexual experience.
• Protection of identity
  • The ban on disclosing the identity of sexual assault victims (formerly Section 228A IPC, now Section 72 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita) exists specifically to prevent stigma, protect dignity, and avoid the public humiliation that often silences victims.
  • Together, these provisions attempt to shift the burden of scrutiny from the victim’s moral credibility to the facts of the crime.

Judicial Interpretation: Dignity as a Constitutional Principle

• The Supreme Court of India has repeatedly reinforced this shift.
• In State of Punjab v. Gurmit Singh (1996), the Court warned against discounting a woman’s testimony on the basis of perceived loose morals, asserting that prior sexual history is irrelevant to consent.
• The Court has also condemned practices that subject victims to hyper-scrutiny, noting that such interrogation adds insult to injury.
• The dissemination of the Phaltan victim’s dying declaration to the media violated not just the identity-protection regime but also the spirit of judicial doctrine.
• It created a social verdict in which the victim’s character, rather than the accused’s actions, became the focal point of public discourse.
• The complainant’s lawyers being denied access to investigation reports further exemplifies the asymmetry of power victims face.

Institutional Betrayal and the Limits of Reform

• The Phaltan case exposes the gulf between law on paper and law in practice.
• The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, signals the State’s intent to build a more women-centric criminal justice system, yet the social mindset remains anchored in patriarchy.
• When a constitutional or political authority, especially a woman, engages in character assassination, it represents not only moral failure but also a betrayal of the solidarity necessary for gender justice.
• The consequences are profound: victims stop reporting, families retreat from legal battles, and public discourse shifts blame from perpetrators to victims. Legal systems cannot function in a social vacuum.

Bridging the Gap: Implementation as Transformation

• Training & Sensitization:
  • Police, prosecutors, and judges must be educated in trauma-informed approaches to sexual violence. The current culture of suspicion and disbelief deepens victims’ suffering.
• Ending Victim-Blaming
  • Public discourse must evolve to reject character-based judgments. Investigations should be victim-friendly rather than adversarial.
• Resource Expansion
  • Forensic and digital infrastructure, legal aid, women's desks, audio-visual statement systems, and psychological services are essential to enforce new legal standards rather than merely declare them.

Conclusion

• The Phaltan tragedy forces India to confront a fundamental question: can criminal law protect women when society, media, and institutions continue to police their morality?
• The answer remains uncertain; Laws may evolve, but justice requires alignment between statute, institutional practice, and social consciousness.
• The moment demands that women in authority not only occupy positions of power but embody constitutional morality, recognizing dignity, equality, and empathy as non-negotiable values.

About Weimar Triangle:

• It is a regional political grouping of France, Germany and Poland.
• It was formed by a joint declaration issued in Weimar, Germany, by the Foreign Ministers of the three countries.
• It had three objectives:
  • To involve France in German-Polish reconciliation by building on the Franco-German experience;
  • To strengthen dialogue and political cooperation between the three countries.
  • To support Poland in its process of integration into NATO and the European Union (EU).
• Regular meetings at levels including heads of government, foreign ministers, and European affairs ministers have enabled coordination on EU policies, with notable outcomes including Poland's accession to NATO in 1999 and the European Union in 2004.
• Although the Weimar Triangle still has no institutional structure, it remains a framework of reference at the political level.
• Beyond diplomacy, it encompasses civil society efforts like youth exchanges, academic collaborations, and business networks to promote intercultural dialogue and mobility.

About Long Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRAShM):

•  It is a hypersonic glide missile developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).
  • Hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs) like the LRAShM differ from traditional ballistic missiles, which follow a fixed trajectory.
  • HGVs are launched on a rocket, ascend to the upper atmosphere, and then glide towards their target in an unpredictable manner.
  • This combination of exceptional speed and maneuverability makes them extremely difficult to intercept with existing air defense technologies.
• It outperforms similar missiles like China’s DF-17 in terms of range and technology.
• It is being built for anti-ship roles (to target enemy warships and carrier groups) and may also evolve into a land-attack variant.

Features

• The missile’s standout feature is its incorporation of a delta-wing hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV), which allows it to follow highly complex and adaptive flight paths.
• It is reported to have a range of over 1,500 kilometers.
• This missile operates at 10 Mach, making it 10 times faster than the speed of sound.
• The missile's radio frequency (RF) seeker, designed to operate effectively at hypersonic speeds, ensures accurate strikes against moving targets, such as warships, a capability that very few weapons possess.
• It is configured for launches from both land-based platforms and naval vessels, offering versatility in combat scenarios.
• It is capable of carrying various payloads, including both conventional and nuclear warheads,
• The incorporation of special heat-resistant materials ensures the missile can withstand extreme temperatures without disintegrating during flight, setting a new benchmark in scramjet and glide technology.

About M-STrIPES:

• The MSTrIPES (Monitoring System for Tigers: Intensive Protection and Ecological Status) is a software-based monitoring system created to assist patrol and protect tiger habitats.
• It was launched by the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) along with the Wildlife Institute of India in 2010.
• It is designed to assist wildlife protection, monitoring, and management of Protected Areas.
• The programme consists of two parts: an analytical engine with a central desktop software and an online analysis tool, and an Android-based mobile application that records field observations and tracks using real-time GPS.
• It uses Global Positioning System (GPS), General Packet Radio Services (GPRS), and remote sensing,
  • to collect information from the field
  • create a database using modern Information Technology (IT)-based tools
  • analyze the information using GIS and statistical tools
  • to provide inferences that allow tiger reserve managers to better manage their wildlife resources.
• Under MSTrIPES protocols, forest guards are expected to patrol their beats and record their tracks using a GPS, in addition to recording observations in site-specific data sheets.
  • Beat is the smallest unit of forest administration in India since British time and usually one forest guard is assigned for one beat.

Key Facts about Anamalai Tiger Reserve:

• It is located in the Anamalai Hills.
• It lies south of the Palakkad gap in the Southern Western Ghats.
• It is surrounded by the Parambikulum Tiger Reserve on the east, Chinnar Wildlife Sanctuary, and Eravikulum National Park on the southwestern side.
• It is inhabited by six indigenous communities,, Kadar, Muduvar, Malasar, Malai malasar, Eravalar, and Pulayar.
• Vegetation:
  • It supports diverse habitat types, viz. Wet evergreen forests, semi-evergreen forests, moist deciduous, dry deciduous, dry thorn, and shola forests.
  • Other unique habitats like montane grasslands, savannah, and marshy grasslands are also present.
• Flora: The reserve is rich in wild relatives of cultivated species like mango, jackfruit, wild plantain, ginger (Zingiber officinale), turmeric, pepper (Piper longum), cardamom, etc.
• Fauna: The important wild animals of the reserve include: Tiger, Asiatic elephant, Sambar, Spotted deer, Barking deer, Jackal, Leopard, Jungle cat, etc.